Share This

Showing posts with label Cultural Revolution. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Cultural Revolution. Show all posts

Tuesday, 14 August 2012

Malaysian leaders should learn from Deng Xiaoping?

It’s all about leadership

Recent Asian political history provides us with some useful examples of effective leadership. However, the list, sadly, is not long.

WITH a general election in the offing, Malaysians are quite naturally thinking a lot about “leadership”.

Recent Asian political history provides us with some useful examples of effective leadership.

However, the list, sadly, is not long. Many of the men (and women) who have led our countries have also been deeply flawed.

For example, in the case of Jawaharlal Nehru, his ideas and rhetoric may well have been brilliant but his performance in government was often disappointing, if not disastrous.


Deng Xiaoping, conversely, stands out among Asia’s leaders. He’s also the subject of a recently published biography by the academic Ezra Vogel, Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China.

First, Deng did more to alleviate global poverty than anyone else in the past century. According to Bloomberg, more than 250 million Chinese escaped poverty during his stewardship.

Described by Mao Zedong as a “needle inside a ball of cotton”, the Szechuan province-born Deng rose to the top of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and its Politburo after a long, arduous process, including two periods in political wilderness, the first of which was the Cultural Revolution.

By 1978, when he was returned to the centre of power, China was at its lowest ebb. As Vogel wrote: “The average per capita income of Chinese peasants, who made up 80% of the population, was then only US$40 per year (RM124). The amount of grain produced per person had fallen below what it had been in 1957.”

But China was lucky to have Deng at this critical juncture. By the late 1970s, Deng had accumulated more than 50 years of experience at the heart of the CCP, the military, high-level diplomacy and governance.

Deng was experienced, wily, determined and above all, extremely pragmatic.

Moreover, his family’s personal tragedy during the Cultural Revolution – his son Deng Pufang was crippled after being beaten by the Red Guards – made his desire to stabilise and strengthen China all the more intense.

Deng was lucky enough to have met and worked with outstanding leaders. For example, while studying in France in the mid-1920s, he was to forge a critical friendship with Zhou Enlai, who – in turn – grew to respect the diminutive but rock-solid Deng.

Similarly, in the years when the Communists were battling the Nationalists, Deng assumed a vital military role – leading men into battle; motivating, coordinating and administering hundreds of thousands troops, their supplies and their relations with the local communities.

His most enduring success was the Huaihai Campaign of 1948, after which the Communists were able to cross the Yangtze River without resistance, dealing a fatal blow to the Kuomintang and endearing Deng to Mao himself.

So while Deng is better-known for his achievements in the economic sphere – especially his transformation of the coastal provinces in the late 1970s and early 1980s – there’s no denying that his military experience in the field equipped him mentally to lead under pressure.

Having endured the chaos of the Cultural Revolution, Deng was understandably wary of relaxing political controls. He was no democrat. Instead, he saw discipline and loyalty to the CCP as absolutely critical.

Indeed, Tiananmen Square was proof his unshakeable belief in both the primacy of the CCP as well as the need for political stability at all costs.

Whilst we may disagree with what he did, there’s no denying his steadfastness.

Deng was detailed and meticulous in all matters – managing China’s administration with a firm hand.

Fortunately, his international exposure at an early age meant Deng was open to foreign ideas and when it was time for him to lead China; he was ready to embrace the world beyond the Middle Kingdom.

So what can Deng teach us about leadership? I think the following lessons can be drawn:

> Lead decisively and with conviction. If you make a decision you believe is right, stick by it. People respect (and fear) determination;

> Deng believed in education. He rebuilt China’s shattered universities after the Cultural Revolution and shielded the centres of learning from political interference;

> Leaders must prioritise, dealing with only the most critical obstacles to development. On assuming power, Deng took a close personal interest in overcoming the infrastructural glitches and political resistance to reform at Xuzhou’s critical railway hub – thereby sending out a strong message to those who dared challenge his authority; and

> Deng laid the foundations for China’s current, albeit uneven rise to power. His legacy is something Malaysian leaders should not ignore.

Ceritalah By Karim Raslan  

Friday, 10 August 2012

Gu Kailai: High flying lawyer turned murder accused

As a high-flying international lawyer married to one of China's most promising and charismatic politicians and with a son at Harvard, Gu Kailai appeared to have it all. Now she is on trial for murder.


China Official's Wife Doesn't Deny Killing Briton
This frame grab taken from CCTV video shows Gu Kailai, the wife of Chinese politician Bo Xilai, facing the court during her murder trial in Hefei, Aug. 9, 2012. (CCTV/AFP/Getty Images/Newscom)

As a high-flying international lawyer married to one of China's most promising and charismatic politicians and with a son at Harvard, Gu Kailai appeared to have it all. Now she is on trial for murder.
  
Since her detention earlier this year on suspicion of poisoning a British businessman a new picture has emerged of an at times volatile woman with a troubled childhood and a reported history of depression.
  
The daughter of a renowned general, Gu, like her husband Bo Xilai, is a so-called princeling -- an elite group in Communist China whose family background has given them influence and privilege not enjoyed by most.
  
Like Bo, she studied at the prestigious Peking University, although the pair did not meet until 1984, while she was on a research trip near the eastern city of Dalian, where he had taken a post as a local party secretary.
  
"He was very much like my father, that sort of extremely idealistic person," Gu, 53, told the Southern Weekend, a local weekly, in an interview published in 2009, recalling her first encounter with Bo.
  
"He lived in a small dirty room. He offered me an apple before telling me about his ideas."
  
They married two years later and in 1987 had a son, Bo Guagua, who attended one of Britain's most prestigious private schools, Harrow, followed by Oxford University and a postgraduate degree at Harvard.
  
She began work as a lawyer the same year the boy was born, later setting up her own firm and winning plaudits as the first Chinese attorney to successfully challenge a legal decision in US courts -- an experience she recounted in two books that became bestsellers in her home country.
  
Ed Byrne, an American lawyer who worked with Gu, recalled her as "smart, charismatic, attractive". "I was very impressed with her," he said in a television interview.
  
As her husband's political career took off, Gu gave up the law, a sacrifice to which Bo paid tribute at a press conference in March that was to prove one of his last appearances before the couple vanished from public view in April.
  
He described her as a stay-at-home mother who had given up a promising career to take care of her family, and hit out at allegations -- which at that stage were not yet public -- that he said had been made against her.
  
Details that have emerged in recent months of Gu's life with Bo, however, suggest that his portrayal of a humble housewife was far from the reality.
  
She is reported to have spent several years in Britain while her son was at school there -- a place arranged by Neil Heywood, the 41-year-old Briton she is charged with murdering after their business relationship went sour.
  
While in Britain, she stayed at the most expensive hotels and enjoyed access to a private jet owned by a billionaire friend, according to sources quoted in the New York Times.
  
Such privilege will have offered scant preparation for a life in jail -- experts in the Chinese legal system say she is likely to be sentenced to around 15 years -- although Gu's life had not always been so comfortable.
  
During the Cultural Revolution her parents were detained and her four sisters sent to the countryside for re-education, forcing her to drop out of school and scrape a living variously as a construction worker, a butcher and a lute player.
  
State news agency Xinhua has said the evidence against Gu and her co-accused, a family aide, is "irrefutable" and suggested she was acting to protect her son from unidentified threats by Heywood.
  
This has been seen as a possible mitigating factor in her sentencing, along with the bouts of depression that she reportedly suffered in recent years.

Source: AFP

Saturday, 11 June 2011

The great leap forward!




By Ben Blanchard, Reuters

China says no expiry date on Communist Party rule

Looking at Mao's life, his achievements should be put first, and his mistakes second ...

BEIJING (Reuters) - China's Communist Party sees no reason why it cannot stay in power indefinitely, having made the nation into the envy of the world with its economic success, one of the Party's top official historians said on Thursday.

Li Zhongjie, a deputy head of the Party's History Research Centre, made it clear that China will use the impending 90th anniversary of the Party's founding as a time for rousing pride, rather than reflection on a history that has spanned war, revolution, mass famine and deadly purges.

Under the Party's rule, China had made leapfrog developments, Li told a news conference, and he said it was foolish to expect any party to want to give up power.

"Over the last 90 years, especially the last 30 years of reform and opening up, we have made major achievements. This is something the world basically recognises," Li said, ahead of the Party's anniversary of its 1921 founding on July 1.

"I could ask, 'Mr. Obama, does your Democratic Party still want to contest the election'? Do you still want to stay in power? They would think that a weird question. Of course our Party hopes to remain in power.

"...Objectively, the issue is rather: how is your rule, and how effective is it? Is it welcomed by the people? Are you running the country well, or into the ground? The Communist Party has built China to what it is today. Many countries in the world are extremely envious.

So why can't we carry on? It's a very simple question."



His impassioned answer drew applause from the audience, made up mainly of state media and Chinese academics, with a smattering of foreign reporters.

While the Party's rule has seen China become the world's second-largest economy, lift millions out of abject poverty and put men in space, critics say it has come at the expense of individual freedoms, with the Party brooking no dissent.

Under the late Mao Zedong, China went through disasters such as the 1958 Great Leap Forward campaign to catapult it to prosperity, but ended in a three-year famine in which an estimated 30 million people starved to death.

"Objectively speaking, Comrade Mao made some mistakes later in his life, which created major damage," Li said. "But looking at Mao's whole life, his achievements should be put first, and his mistakes second ... He established 'New China' and socialism's basic system.

"We should 'seek truth from the facts' in analysing and researching the lessons from Mao's mistakes," he added. "What Mao hoped to do, we should ensure we do even better."

Pressed after the news conference on whether China would one day set up a public memorial to those who suffered during the Great Leap Forward, or the chaos of the 1966-76 Cultural Revolution, Li answered cryptically: "We are making overall plans. It's being considered."

But there would be no atonement for the bloody crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators around Tiananmen Square in 1989, which the Party these days labels a "political disturbance."

"We have already reached a solemn conclusion," Li said. "There's really nothing more to say."

(Editing by Nick Macfie)
Enhanced by Zemanta